Ethnography (from the Greek ????? ethnos "folk, people, nation "and ????? grapho " I write ") is a systematic study of people and culture. It is designed to explore the cultural phenomenon in which researchers observe the community from the point of view of research subjects. Ethnography is a means to represent graphically and in writing the culture of a group. Such a word can be said to have a double meaning, which partly depends on whether it is used as a count or countless noun. The results of field studies or case reports reflect knowledge and meaning systems in the life of cultural groups.
As a method of data collection, ethnography requires examining the behavior of participants in certain social situations and also understanding their interpretation of the behavior. The Council (2018) further elaborates that this behavior can be shaped by participants' perceived obstacles because their situations are in or by the communities in which they are located. Ethnography, as the presentation of empirical data on human societies and cultures, is pioneered in the biological, social, and cultural branches of anthropology, but has also become popular in social science in general - sociology, communication studies, history - wherever people study ethnic groups, formations, composition, resettlement, characteristics of social welfare, materiality, spirituality, and ethnogenesis of society. Typical ethnography is a holistic study and includes a brief history, and terrain, climatic, and habitat analysis. In all cases, it must be reflexive, make substantial contributions to the understanding of human social life, have an aesthetic impact on the reader, and express a credible reality. Ethnography records all observed behaviors and describes all relationships of symbols, using concepts that avoid causal explanations. Traditionally, ethnography has centered on the western view of the 'exotic' east, but now researchers conduct ethnography in their own social environment. According to the Council (2018), even if we others, the 'other' or the 'original', we are still 'the other' because there are many facades of self that connect us with other people and facades that highlight our differences.
Video Ethnography
History and meaning
The word 'ethnography' comes from the Greek word ????? ( ethnos ), meaning "a company, then a person, a nation" and -graphy, meaning "to write". Ethnographic studies focus on the large cultural groups of people who interact over time. Ethnography is a set of qualitative methods used in the social sciences that focus on observing practice and social interaction. The goal is to observe the situation without imposing a deductive structure or framework on it and to see it all as strange or unique.
The field of anthropology comes from Europe and Britain designed in the late 19th century. It spread its roots to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century. Some major contributors such as E. B. Tylor (1832-1917) of England and Lewis H. Morgan (1818-1881), an American scientist considered the founders of cultural and social dimensions. Franz Boas (1858-1942), Bronislaw Malinowski (1858-1942), Ruth Benedict, and Margaret Mead (1901-1978), were a group of researchers from the United States who contributed the idea of ​​cultural relativism to the literature. Boas's approach focused on the use of documents and informants, while Malinowski stated that a researcher should be engrossed in long-standing work on the ground and observe participants by living with informants and experiencing their way of life. He gave the indigenous point of view and this became the origin of fieldwork and field methods.
Since Malinowski is very strict with his approach, he practically applied it and traveled to the Trobriand Islands off the eastern coast of New Guinea. He was interested to learn the language of the islanders and lived there for a long time doing his field work. The field of ethnography became very popular in the late nineteenth century, as many social scientists gained interest in studying modern society. Again, in the later part of the nineteenth century, the field of anthropology became a good support for scientific formation. Although the field is growing, there are many threats to be faced. Post-colonialism, the climate of research shifts towards postmodernism and feminism. Therefore, the field of anthropology moves into the social sciences discipline.
Maps Ethnography
Origins
Gerhard Friedrich MÃÆ'¼ller developed the concept of ethnography as a separate discipline when participating in the Second Kamchatka Expedition (1733-43) as professor of history and geography. While involved in the expedition, he distinguished VÃÆ'¶lker-Beschreibung as a different field of study. This is known as "ethnography," following the introduction of Greek neologisms ethnographia by Johann Friedrich SchÃÆ'¶pperlin and the German variant by AF Thilo in 1767. Ludwig von SchlÃÆ'¶zer and Christoph Wilhelm Jacob Gatterer of the University of GÃÆ'¶ttingen introduced term into an academic discourse in an effort to reform contemporary understanding of world history.
Herodotus, known as the Father of History, has important works on the culture of various nations outside the Hellenic region such as the Scythians, which earned him the title of "philobarbarian", and can be said to have produced the first works of ethnography.
Forms of ethnography
There are various forms of ethnography: confessional ethnography; life history; Feminist ethnography etc. Two popular forms of ethnography are realist ethnography and critical ethnography. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)
Realist ethnography: is the traditional approach used by cultural anthropologists. Marked by Van Maanen (1988), it reflects a specific example taken by the researcher on the individual being studied. This is an objective study of the situation. It consists of a third person perspective by getting data from members on the site. The etnographer remains as an omniscient correspondent of an invisible actuality. The realists report information in a measurable style that seems not to be contaminated by individual tendencies, political goals, and judgments. The analyst will provide a detailed report of the daily life of the individual under study. Ethnographers also use standard categories for cultural descriptions (eg, family life, communication networks). The ethnographer produces the views of the participants through carefully edited quotes and has the final task of how the culture is interpreted and presented. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)
Critical ethnography: is a kind of ethnographic research in which the creators support the liberation of marginalized groups in society. Critical researchers are usually politically minded people who want to take a stand against inequality and domination. For example, a critical ethnographer may study a school that privileges certain student types, or counseling practices that serve to ignore the needs of under-represented groups. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94). An important component of a critical ethnographer is to include valuable introductions, empower people by giving them more authority, challenging the status quo, and addressing concerns about power and control. A critical ethnographer will study issues of power, empowerment, inequality inequality, domination, oppression, hegemony, and victimization. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)
Ethnographic research features
The ethnographic method differs from other means of approaching the social sciences for the following reasons:
- It's field-based. This is done in settings where people actually live, rather than in laboratories where researchers control the behavioral elements to be observed or measured.
- It's personalized. This is done by researchers who are in daily contact face-to-face with the people they are studying and who thus are participants and observers of the life under study.
- That's multifactorial. This is done through the use of two or more data collection techniques - which may be qualitative or quantitative - to come to a conclusion.
- It takes a long-term commitment that is done by researchers who intend to interact with people they have learned for a long time. The right time frame may vary from weeks to years or more.
- That's inductive. This is done in such a way as to use the accumulation of descriptive detail to build toward a general pattern or explanatory theory rather than structured to test hypotheses derived from existing theories or models.
- That's dialogical. This is done by researchers whose interpretations and findings may be explained by the study participants while the conclusions are still in the formulation process.
- It's holistic. This is done so as to produce an entirely possible portrait of the group under study.
- This can also be used in other methodological frameworks, for example, research action research programs where one of the goals is to change and improve the situation.
Data collection methods
According to the leading social scientist, John Brewer, data collection methods are intended to capture the "social meanings and casual activities" of people (informants) in "natural settings" commonly referred to as "the field." The goal is to collect data in such a way that researchers impose a small amount of personal bias in the data. Several data collection methods can be used to facilitate possible connections for more personalized and profound portraits of informants and their communities. These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys.
Interviews are often recorded and then transcribed, allowing the interview to continue without listing, but with all the information available later for the full analysis. Secondary research and document analysis are also used to provide insight into research topics. In the past, kinship charts were usually used to "find logical patterns and social structures in non-Western societies". In the 21st century, anthropology focused more on the study of people in urban environments and the use of kinship charts was rarely used.
To make data collection and interpretation transparent, researchers create ethnography often tries to be "reflexive". Reflexivity refers to the researcher's purpose "to explore the ways in which the [researcher's] involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research". Despite these reflexivity efforts, no researcher can be completely unbiased. This factor has provided a basis for criticizing ethnography.
Traditionally, ethnographers have focused on the community, selecting informed informants who know community activities well. These informants are usually asked to identify other informants representing the community, often using a snowball or sampling chain. This process is often effective in revealing the common denominator of culture that is connected to the topic being studied. Ethnography relies heavily on near personal experience. Participation, not just observation, is one of the keys to this process. Ethnography is very useful in social research.
Ybema et al. (2010) examines the ontological and epistemological presuppositions underlying ethnography. Ethnographic research can range from a realist perspective, where behavior is observed, to a constructivist perspective in which a social understanding is built by researchers and subjects. Research may range from the account of objectivist fixed behavior, which can be observed to interpretative narratives that describe "interactions between individual agencies and social structures." The critical theorist discusses "the question of power in the relationship that researchers investigate and the relationship between knowledge and power."
Another form of data collection is the "image." The image is a projection that a person places on an abstract object or idea. An image can be contained in the physical world through a particular individual perspective, especially based on the individual's past experience. One example of a picture is how one sees a novel after completing it. The physical entity that is a novel contains a particular image in the perspective of the individual who interprets and can only be expressed by the individual in the term "I can tell you what the picture is by saying what it feels like." The idea of ​​an image depends on the imagination and has been seen exploited by children in a very spontaneous and natural way. Effectively, the idea of ​​images is the primary tool for ethnographers to collect data. The image presents the perspective, experience, and influence of the individual as a single entity and as a consequence, the individual will always contain this image in the group under study.
Interdisciplinary Differences
Ethnographic methods are used in many different disciplines, especially by anthropologists, but sometimes also by sociologists. Cultural studies, (European) ethnology, sociology, economics, social work, education, design, psychology, computer science, human factors and ergonomics, ethnomusicology, folkloristics, religious studies, geography, history, linguistics, communication studies, performance studies, nursing, urban planning, usability, political science, social movements, and criminology are other areas that have taken advantage of ethnography.
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology developed around their ethnographic and canonical texts, most of which are ethnography: e.g. Western Pacific Argonauts (1922) by Bronis? aw Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay, Arrival in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by EE Evans-Pritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or "The Lele of Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Current cultural and social anthropologists place a high value in conducting ethnographic research. Typical ethnography is a document written about certain people, almost always based on at least some of the emic views about where culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bind ethnography is common. Ethnography is also sometimes called a "case study." The ethnographer studies and interprets the culture, its universality, and its variations through ethnographic studies based on fieldwork. Ethnography is a specific type of written observational science that provides explanations about a specific culture, community, or community. Fieldwork usually involves a year or more in other communities, living with local people and learning about their way of life. Neophyte ethnographers are strongly encouraged to develop broad familiarity with their subject before entering the field; otherwise they may find themselves in a difficult situation.
Ethnographers are observers of the participants. They take part in the events they learn because they help understand local behavior and thinking. The classic examples are Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin , Jean Briggs' Never in Anger , Richard Lee Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers , Victor Turner > Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis ' Akew-Shavante Society , EE Evans-Pritchard The Nuer, and Claude LÃÆ' Â © vi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques . Iterations of ethnographic representation in classical and modernist camps include "Drum and Stethoscope" Joseph W. Bastien (1992), Bartholomew Dean's (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in the Peruvian Amazon .
A typical ethnography seeks to be holistic and usually follows the outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or plains populated by those observed, including the climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call the habitat. The ideas of botany and zoological folk are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology along with references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are usually bound in physical geography and include a description of the infrastructure. Kinship and social structure (including age, peer group, gender, voluntary associations, clans, groups, and so on, if any) are usually included. Spoken language, dialect, and language change history are other groups of standard topics. The practice of child-rearing, acculturation, and the emotional outlook on personality and values ​​usually follow after the section on social structure. Rites, rituals and other religious evidence have long been a concern and sometimes important for ethnography, especially when it is done in public where visiting anthropologists can see it.
As ethnography develops, anthropologists are increasingly interested in less realistic cultural aspects such as values, worldviews, and what Clifford Geertz calls the cultural "ethos." In his field research, Geertz used elements of the phenomenological approach, tracing not only the behavior of people, but also the cultural element itself. For example, if in a group of people, a wink is a communicative movement, it seeks to first determine what kind of winking thing may mean (it may mean several things). Then he tries to determine in the context of what winks are used, and whether, when a person moves into a region, the flicker still means the same way. In this way, the boundaries of communication culture can be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or the idea of ​​a place to live. Geertz, while still following something from the traditional ethnographic line, moved out of the outline to talk about the "net" and not the "outline" of the culture.
In cultural anthropology, there are several ethnographic subgenres. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s, anthropologists began to write a "bio-confessional" ethnography that deliberately exposed the nature of ethnographic research. Notable examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by LÃÆ' Â © vi-Strauss, High Valley by Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as a rather fictional Back to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).
Then "reflexive" ethnography refines the technique of translating cultural differences by representing its influence on the ethnographer. Notable examples include Deep Play: A Note on Cockfighting in Bali by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Field Work in Morocco by Paul Rabinow, The Headman and I by Jean- Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, ethnographic rhetoric was subjected to rigorous scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thinking. The "experimental" ethnography that expresses disciplined struggle includes Shamanism, Colonialism and Wild Man by Michael Taussig, The Debating Muslims by Michael FJ Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Way by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun.
Important changes in socio-cultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can be traced to the influence of the now classical (and often disputed) texts, Culture Writing: Poetics and Ethnographic Politics , (1986) edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. The Writing Culture helps bring about changes in anthropology and ethnography that are often described in terms of 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural,' in the sense that the text helps to highlight epistemic problems and politics that many practitioners regard as an annoying representation and ethnographic practice.
Where anthropologist interpretations Geertz and Turner recognize subjects as creative actors who build their sociocultural world of symbols, postmodernists seek to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographer itself. That is, ethnographers can not escape from a personal point of view in creating ethnographic accounts, so making objective neutrality claims is very problematic, if not all is not possible. In connection with this last point, The Writing Culture becomes the focal point to see how ethnographers can portray different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of the individuals and groups being studied while doing so without claiming absolute knowledge and objective authority. Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogical anthropology', 'narrative ethnography,' and 'literary ethnography', The Writing Culture helped foster the development of 'collaborative ethnography'. This exploration of the relationship between the author, the audience, and the subject has become a central principle of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain cases, active collaboration between the researcher (s) and the subject (s) has helped to integrate collaborative practice in ethnographic field work with the process of creating ethnographic products generated from the research.
Sociology
Sociology is another area that stands out for ethnography. Urban sociology, University of Atlanta (now Clark-Atlanta University), and the Chicago School, in particular, are associated with ethnographic research, with some of the earliest known examples being The Philadelphia Negro (1899) by WEB Du Bois < i> Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr. The main influences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd Warner, in the sociology faculty of Chicago, and Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism evolved from the same tradition and produced sociological ethnography like Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, who documented the early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and France.
A series of organizational ethnographies of Jaber F. Gubrium focusing on the practice of disease, care, and daily recovery are important. They include Life and Death at Murray Manor, which portrays the social world of a nursing home; Describe Care: Drawings and Practices in Rehabilitation, documenting the social organization of patient subjectivity in physical rehabilitation hospitals; Nurses: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children, featuring social construction of behavioral disorders in children; and Oldtimer and Alzheimer's: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, that describes how the Alzheimer's disease movement builds new subjectivity from dementia and how it is organized in geriatric hospitals. Another approach to ethnography in sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography, developed by Dorothy E. Smith to study the social relationships that constitute the everyday life of society.
Other important ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labor, of working-class youth; by Elijah Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and LoÃÆ'¯c Wacquant in black America, and Lai Olurode Communication Science
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. Since the purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the patterns of sharing, behavior, beliefs, and language of cultural sharing groups, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) notes that ethnography is a process and result of research. Studies such as the analysis of Gerry Philipsen's cultural communication strategy in a blue-collar working environment on Chicago's southern side, Talking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research into communication studies.
The scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze behavior and communicative phenomena. It is often characterized in writing as an attempt to understand the taken-for-given routine in which the definition of work is produced socially. Ethnography as a method is a stratified, careful, and systematic examination of the mechanisms that produce the realities of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies seeks to explain "how" the usual method/practice/performance establishes the usual actions used by ordinary people in achieving their identity. It often gives the perception of trying to answer the "why" and "how can" questions of human communication. Often this type of research results in case studies or field studies such as speech pattern analysis at protest demonstrations, or how firefighters communicate during "breaks" at the fire station. Like anthropologists, communications scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe certain social groups being studied.
More fields
American anthropologist George Spindler is a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodologies to the classroom.
Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as "a way of understanding the special things in everyday life in such a way as to increase the likelihood of success of a new product or service or, more precisely, to reduce the likelihood of failure specifically because of a lack of understanding of basic behavior and consumer frameworks. "Sociologist Sam Ladner argues in his book, that understanding consumers and their desires requires change in the" point of view ", something that is only provided by ethnography. The result is products and services that respond to unmet consumer needs.
Businesses too, have found ethnographers to help understand how people use products and services. Companies increase the use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The Praxis Ethnography in the Industry (EPIC) conference is evidence of this. The systematic and holistic approach of ethnographers to real-life experiences is appreciated by product developers, who use the method to understand the undisclosed desires or cultural practices surrounding the product. When focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people actually do, ethnography connects what people say by what they do - avoiding the traps that come from relying solely on self-reported focus group data. Modern developments in computing power and AI have enabled higher efficiency in ethnographic data collection through multimedia and computational analysis using machine learning.
Evaluation of ethnography
Ethnographic methodologies are usually not evaluated in terms of philosophical point of view (such as positivism and emotionalism). Ethnographic studies need to be evaluated in several ways. No consensus was developed on evaluation standards, but Richardson (2000, p.Ã, 254) provided five criteria that may be of value to the ethnographer. Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein (1997) monograph, New Qualitative Methods of Language, discusses ethnographic forms in terms of their "speech method".
- Substantive donations : "Does that section contribute to our understanding of social life?"
- Aesthetic praise : "Does this section work aesthetically?"
- Reflection : "How can the author write this text... Is there self-awareness and self-exposure sufficient for the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"
- Impact : "Does this affect me? emotionally? intellectually?" Does it move me?
- Expressing reality : "Does it look 'right' - a credible account of a 'real' cultural, social, individual or communal feeling?"
Ethnographic challenge
Ethnography, which is a method wholly dedicated to fieldwork, aims to gain a deeper insight into the knowledge and culture of a particular person.
The advantages of ethnography are:
- This may open up certain experiences during group research that other research methods fail to close.
- Understandings taken for granted can be highlighted and confronted.
- It can take advantage of intuitive and deep understanding of human interpretations and interpretations of (informed) ethnographers of informant accounts (those being studied), which go far beyond what quantitative research can do in terms of extracting meaning.
- Ethnography allows people outside of a culture (whether it be primitive tribes or company employees) to learn about the practices, motives, understandings, and values ​​of its members.
However, there are certain challenges or limits to ethnographic methods:
- In-depth expertise is required: The ethnographer should collect knowledge of interesting methods and domains, which may require training and sufficient time.
- Sensitivity: An ethnographer is an outsider and should apply discretion and caution to avoid offending, alienating, or injuring the observed person.
- Access: Negotiating access to field sites and participants can be time consuming and difficult. Secret or guarded organizations may require different approaches for successful research.
- Duration and cost: Research can involve a long time in the field, especially as building trust with participants is usually necessary to get rich data.
- Bias: Ethnographers bring their own experience to continue asking questions to request and review data, which can lead to bias in the direction of investigation and analysis.
- Descriptive Approach: Ethnography relies heavily on the storytelling and presentation of critical incidents, which are certainly selective and seen as weaknesses by those accustomed to a scientific approach of hypothesis testing, quantification, and replication.
Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic investigation requires that researchers deviate from formal or idealist or ethical rules that have been widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over time but are clear and should be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are evident throughout the process of ethnography, including the design, implementation, and reporting of ethnographic studies. Basically, Fine states that researchers are usually unethical as they claim or perceive as - and that "every job involves doing things that are inappropriate for others to know".
Fine does not always blame ethnographers but tries to show that researchers often make ideal ethical claims and standards that are basically based on partial truth and self-deception. Fine also admits that much of this partial truth and self-deception is inevitable. He argues that "illusion" is vital to maintaining a reputation for work and avoiding more potentially caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers can not help but lie, but in lies, we reveal the truth that frees those who are not so brave". Based on this statement, Fine establishes three conceptual groups in which ethical ethnographic dilemmas can be found: "Classical Virtue", "Technical Skills", and "Ethnography of the Self".
Much of the debate surrounding ethical issues arose after the revelation of how ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon performed his ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.
Although there are no international standards on Ethnographic Ethics, many Western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work. In 2009 the Association adopted the code of ethics, stating: Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of other groups, such as family, religion, and community, as well as profession". The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider academic and political network, as well as human and natural environments, which need to be reported with respect. The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes personal relationships are very close and can sometimes develop from doing ethnographic work. The Association recognizes that this code is limited in scope; ethnographic work can sometimes be multidisciplinary, and anthropologists need to be familiar with ethics and other disciplinary perspectives as well. The eight-page code of ethics describes the ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Implementation and Outreach, outlined below.
- "Doing Research" - While doing research, anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impact of research on people and animals they are studying. If seeking new knowledge will have a negative impact on people and animals they will learn they may not conduct studies according to the code of ethics.
- "Teaching" - While teaching anthropological disciplines, instructors are required to inform students about ethical dilemmas in ethnography and fieldwork.
- "Applications" - When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be "open to the funder, co-workers, persons being studied or providing information, and job-affected parties about the objectives, potential impacts, and sources (s). "
- "Outcome Dissemination" - When disseminating the results of an ethnography, "[a] nropologists have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or dissemination of their research results to all directly or indirectly. involved." The results of ethnographic research should not be hidden from participants in the study if the research is being observed by others.
Classical virtues
- "Good ethnographers" - Most ethnographers present themselves more sympathetically than they, who assist in the research process, but also deceive. The identity we present to the subject differs from who we are in other circumstances.
- "Friendly ethnographers" - Ethnographers operate on the assumption that they should not like anyone. When ethnographers think they are very disliked of the individuals encountered in the research, they may cut them off from the findings.
- "The ethnographer is honest" - If study participants know the purpose of the study, their responses will likely be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often hide what they know to increase the likelihood of acceptance by participants.
Technical skills
- "The Right Ethnographer" - Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what "really" is. They are involved in the opposite of plagiarism, giving undue credit through loose and paraphrasing interpretations. Researchers approached fiction and turned it into a factual claim. The closest ethnographer who can actually reach reality is the near-truth.
- "The Observant Ethnographer" - Ethnographic readers are often guided to assume reports of a finished scene - that little interest is overlooked. In fact, an ethnographer will always lose some aspects because of a lack of omniscience. Everything is open to a variety of interpretations and misunderstandings. Because ethnographic expertise in observation and data collection is different for each individual, what is depicted in ethnography can never be an overall picture.
- "The Unbelievable Ethnographer" - As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on the communication going on in the research location. The extent to which a person is an "active member" influences the extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.
Self Ethnography
Here is a conception of ethnographer who generally misunderstands:
- "The Candid Ethnographer" - Where researchers are personally in ethnographically problematic ethics. There is an illusion that everything reported is observed by researchers.
- "The Chaste Ethnographer" - When ethnographers participate in this field, they always develop relationships with subject/research participants. These relationships are sometimes not taken into account in ethnographic reporting, although they may influence the research findings.
- "The Fair Ethnographer" - A good claim that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for researchers to report justice in the findings.
- "The Ethnographer Literature" - Representation is a balancing act to determine what should be "shown" through language and poetic/prosaic style, versus what should be "told" through "factual" reporting. The individual skills of an ethnographer affect what appears to be research value.
According to Norman K. Denzin, ethnographers should consider the following eight principles when observing, recording, and sampling data:
- Groups must combine symbolic meaning with interaction patterns.
- Observe the world from the subject's point of view, while maintaining the distinction between the perception of everyday and scientific reality.
- Connect group symbols and their meaning to social relationships.
- Record all behaviors.
- The methodology should highlight the phases of process, change, and stability.
- Action must be a type of symbolic interactionism.
- Use a concept that will avoid the usual explanation.
Examples of studies that may use the ethnographic approach
Source of the article : Wikipedia
0 Comments